What happened to Labour's 2010 election manifesto?
The Conservative manifesto was launched on 13 April 2010, as “An invitation to join the government of Great Britain”. The notable thing about the document is the absence of promises about most of the major policies that the coalition ending up implementing – from sweeping welfare cuts to a shake-up of the management of the NHS. It is to a large degree composed of technocratic and minor pledges – such as elected police commissioners and introducing a day of voluntary service a year for civil servants. Most of these have been met, while some of the significant ones – like eliminating the bulk of the deficit – have not.
1) Emergency budget within 50 days of election to help pay down the bulk of the deficit.
Not met – The emergency budget took place but the deficit has only fallen by around a third. It has only halved as a proportion of national income.
2) Scrapping of planned increase in national insurance for employers and workers earnings less than £35,000. Main rate of corporation tax to be cut to 25%.
Met – The corporation tax cut was exceeded, falling to 20%.
3) Pledge to match Labour’s spending plans for 2010-11 in health and overseas aid.
Met – The coalition ring-fenced health and foreign aid spending.
4) Abolition of Financial Services Authority, with supervision of the City handed back to the Bank of England.
Met–The Bank of England has now taken financial regulation in-house with its Financial Conduct Authority.
5) Consumer Protection Agency to address high levels of personal debt.
Not met – This is still under the remit of the new Financial Conduct Authority.
1) Develop schools under the Swedish “free schools” and the US “charter school” models: small, autonomous institutions run and set up by parents and others.
Met – There are now more than 300 free schools.
2) Recreate technical schools, which vanished in the 1950s when their popularity dwindled, offering pupils aged 14 to 19 training and apprenticeships. The aim was to create at least 12.
Met – There are now 30 of them and more than 55 are expected to be open by 2017.
3) More money for schools that take more than average numbers of poor pupils. But no detail on how much money will be allocated.
Met – The coalition introduced a pupil premium in 2011, giving more money to schools for every child on free school meals.
4) National curriculum to be focused around traditional subjects, such as history, science and maths in primary schools.
Met – As education secretary, Michael Gove rewrote the curriculum for primary schools in 2013.
5) Raise the minimum entry requirements for primary teachers.
Met – The government toughened up the entry tests for trainee teachers in 2012.
6) Smaller class sizes.
Not met – Average primary school class sizes are up from around 26 to 27 pupils.
7) Reading test at age six.
Met – New ‘synthetic phonics’ tests were introduced in 2012.
8) Sats tests and league tables to stay.
Met – Sats and league tables remain.
9) An extra 10,000 university places in 2010.
Met – Labour had promised 20,000 and the Lib Dems 15,000.
10) Pay off the student loans of maths and science graduates who become teachers.
Not met – This does not seem to have happened and the TES reports that the Tories are looking at it again.
1) Scrap waiting-list targets.
Partially met –The target of a GP appointment within 48 hours was scrapped. The target of 98% of A&E patients being seen within four hours was replaced with a 95% target.
2) New 24/7 urgent care service and weekend access to GPs.
Not met – This is now being promised again by the Conservatives.
3) Stop closures of A&E and maternity wards.
Not met – Of 29 hospitals with wards under threat before the election, 14 of the hospitals have seen casualty and maternity units closed, downgraded, or still at risk of closure, according to a Labour analysis.
4) A new cancer drug fund.
Met – David Cameron personally brought in the fund to offer last-chance drugs to dying patients.
5) Access to NHS dentistry to be extended to a million more people.
Met – This was fulfilled in 2012.
6) Give individual patients their own health and social care budget.
Partially met – This has been piloted in a number of places across England since October 2014.
1) Elected police commissioners to replace police authorities.
Met – The first were elected in November 2012, although they have been widely criticised for being a waste of money and attracting low electoral turnouts.
2) Instant grounding orders for antisocial youngsters.
Not met – Home secretary Theresa May scrapped the asbo and introduced something called the community trigger – requiring police to investigate any single incident reported by at least five people.
3) Prison sentences for carrying a knife.
Not met – This was the subject of a coalition row and blocked by the Lib Dems. An amendment passed by a backbench Tory introduces a mandatory jail term for those caught carrying a knife on the second offence but it is unclear when this will come into force.
4) Banning below-cost alcohol sales.
Met – This came into force in May 2014, with a new mandatory licensing condition banning the sale of alcohol below the “permitted price” – the level of alcohol duty plus VAT.
5) New border police force.
Not met – It is not clear what was meant by this but the UK Border Agency was folded into the Home Office in 2012 without gaining any new powers.
6) Payment by results for prisons and youth justice system.
Met – After a pilot scheme with unclear results, justice secretary Chris Grayling launched his Transforming Rehabilitation programme to pay companies by results for carrying out probation work for all but the most serious offenders.
7) Abstinence-based drug rehabilitation orders.
Not met – This idea, championed by work and pensions secretary Iain Duncan Smith, was shelved in 2010.
8) ID cards and register and Contactpoint children’s database to be scrapped.
Met – ID cards have not been introduced. The Contactpoint children’s database was shut down in August 2010.
9) Human Rights Act to be replaced by British Bill of Rights.
Not met – This never happened after a commission failed to agree how it would be implemented. It is, however, likely to make a reappearance in the 2015 manifesto.
10) Annual limit on non-EU economic migrants.
The Conservative Party is the heir, and in some measure the continuation, of the old Tory Party, members of which began forming “conservative associations” after Britain’sReform Bill of 1832 extended electoral rights to the middle class. The name Conservative was first used as a description of the party by John Wilson Croker writing in the Quarterly Review in 1830. The first Conservative government was formed by Sir Robert Peel, whose program, set out in the Tamworth Manifesto (1834), stressed the timely reform of abuses, the necessity of law and order, an orderly system of taxation, and the importance of both landed interests and trade and industry.
Prospects of an extended period of Conservative rule disappeared in 1846 when the party split over the repeal of protectionist regulations known as the Corn Laws, and for most of the next 30 years they were out of government. The party was reorganized by Benjamin Disraeli, prime minister for a few months in 1868 and from 1874 to 1880. The Conservative Central Office, a professional organization established by Disraeli in 1870, and the newly formed National Union, which drew together local voluntary associations, gave the party additional unity and strength. At the same time, Disraeli’s emphasis on social reform to reduce the enormous disparity in the living conditions of rich and poor, combined with a strong, activist imperial and foreign policy, helped the party to transcend class barriers. Disraeli’s contribution was to transform the party from one that spoke primarily for landed interests to one that could draw supporters from the middle class and from newly enfranchised workers.
The Conservative Party was further strengthened in 1886 when it allied with the Liberal Unionists, a faction of the Liberal Party that opposed the policy of Home Rule in Ireland put forward by the Liberal leader William Ewart Gladstone. Thus reinforced, the Conservatives held office for all but 3 of the next 20 years, first under the leadership of Lord Salisbury and then under Arthur Balfour. A split over tariff policy caused them to lose the election of 1906 in a disastrous landslide, and they did not regain power until they joined a wartime coalition with the Liberals in May 1915. In the election of 1918, most of the candidates elected to support the coalition were Conservatives.
In 1922 Conservative backbenchers forced the party’s withdrawal from the coalition and thereby precipitated the resignation of party leader Austen Chamberlain. The rebellion owed much to the revulsion felt by many backbenchers toward the Liberal leader and prime minister, David Lloyd George, and to their unease over some of the more interventionist reforms introduced by Liberal ministers. A surprise election called in December 1923 by Conservative prime minister Stanley Baldwin proved to be a miscalculation that briefly reunited the ailing Liberal Party and opened the way to a minority Labour Party government, though the Conservatives remained the largest single party and were able to regain power the following year. Apart from another brief Labour administration in 1929–31, the Conservatives dominated national office until 1945. Baldwin emerged as a popular figure and the architect of what he called the “new Conservatism,” an attempt to appeal to the middle class through a modest movement away from the laissez-faire economic policies that the party had advocated since 1918.
Baldwin’s successor as party leader and prime minister, Neville Chamberlain, was forced from office in May 1940 by his own backbenchers because of his poor leadership in the early months of World War II. Chamberlain was replaced by another Conservative, Winston Churchill, who formed a coalition government with the Labour Party. Although Churchill led the country to victory in the war, he failed to lead his own party to success in the first postwar election in 1945. The party’s stunning defeat can be attributed to the electorate’s desire for social reform and economic security, as well as its inclination to blame the Conservatives for not having done enough in the 1930s to alleviate mass unemployment or to thwart the aspirations of dictators. While in opposition, the party reformed its policies and organization. It created a new youth movement (the Young Conservatives) and an education wing (the Conservative Political Centre), revived the party’s research department, and undertook a drive to increase party membership. The party returned to power in 1951 and maintained office until 1964. Under the leadership of Churchill, Anthony Eden, Harold Macmillan, and Alec Douglas-Home, the Conservative Party came to accept the key tenets of the “postwar consensus” with Labour—that is, it recognized the state’s responsibility for maintaining full employment and endorsed the use of techniques of economic-demand management, based on the theories of John Maynard Keynes, to achieve that objective. Moreover, the party did not seek to reverse the welfare measures nor most of the public ownership of industry that had been introduced by Labour in 1945–51. The Conservative government did embark on an extensive house-building program and was able to reduce income taxes while increasing spending on the National Health Service. In the early 1960s, however, an economic downturn and a series of scandals—one of which involved an adulterous affair between the secretary of war and an alleged Soviet spy—undermined the party’s support.
From 1964 to 1979 the Conservatives held power alternately with the Labour Party. Under the prime ministership of Edward Heath (1970–74), the party pursued policies designed to deregulate finance and industry. Economic problems led to confrontations with the trade unions, especially the National Union of Miners, and to internal party dissension. Heath called an election in 1974 and the party lost, allowing Labour to form a minority government. After losing a second national election to Labour in 1974, Heath was succeeded as party leader by Margaret Thatcher, who during her four years as leader of the opposition (1975–79) frequently stated her determination to pursue deregulation and supply-side economic reforms.
As prime minister after the Conservatives’ victory over Labour in 1979, Thatcher attempted to “roll back the state” in the economic sphere, weaken the power of the trade unions, and reduce welfare programs. She combined this ambitious economic agenda—which included the privatization of several state-owned industries and the sale of more than 1.5 million council houses (publicly owned houses) to their tenants—with moral traditionalism and skepticism toward further European integration through the European Economic Community (ultimately succeeded by the European Union). Critics both inside and outside the Conservative Party contended that the “cult of the market” did much to disintegrate the social order, yet Thatcher was able to lead her party to resounding victories in the general elections of 1983 and 1987, owing in part to her decisive leadership in the Falkland Islands War (1982) and to deep divisions in the opposition. Her eventual resignation as party leader (and therefore as prime minister) in 1990 reflected the combined impact of a number of factors, including public protests over a proposal to finance local government through a flat-rate “poll tax,” a series of bitter conflicts with some of her senior ministers, her strident and authoritarian style, and a growing sense among backbenchers that she might prove unable to withstand the electoral challenge of a newly united and considerably reformed Labour Party.
Thatcher’s successor, John Major, had held senior ministerial office for only a brief period prior to his selection as prime minister. His less charismatic political style did not prevent him from winning the general election of 1992, but he had to contend with a prolonged economic recession, internal party conflict over the question of European integration, and dismally low opinion-poll ratings. The party’s economic policies were questioned after Britain was forced to leave the European exchange-rate mechanism and devalue the pound in 1992. Further hampered by a series of personal scandals involving prominent officials of Major’s government and facing a rejuvenated Labour Party under Tony Blair, the Conservatives suffered a crushing defeat in the general election of 1997, losing more than half their seats in the House of Commons.
Soon after the 1997 elections, Major resigned as party leader. With some potential leaders suddenly ineligible because they had lost their parliamentary seats, William Hague, former secretary of state for Wales, was elected party leader. Like Disraeli more than a century earlier, the 36-year-old Hague—the youngest Conservative leader in 200 years—set out to reform the party’s organization, reestablish its appeal outside traditional Conservative strongholds, rebuild its image, and end the factional strife that had plagued the Conservatives during their last years in power. Despite those efforts, Hague’s tenure was marked by continued discord, and in 2001 the party suffered a second consecutive landslide defeat to the Labour Party. In 2005, under former home secretary Michael Howard, the Conservatives won some 30 additional seats in the House of Commons but remained well shy of a parliamentary majority. Howard promptly resigned as party leader, and David Cameron presided over the gradual ascent of the Conservatives over the next five years. Having captured 307 seats in the general election of 2010, the Conservatives became the largest party in the House of Commons, but their failure to win an outright majority led to a hung Parliament. Conservative and Labour Party leaders met with the Liberal Democrats over the ensuing days in an effort to secure enough seats to form a new government. When it appeared that those talks would result in a formal “Lib-Con” coalition, Brown announced his resignation and Cameron was confirmed as prime minister of Britain’s first coalition government since World War II. In midterm local elections in 2012, however, neither the Conservatives nor their coalition partners fared well, with the Conservatives losing more than 400 seats in England, Scotland, and Wales. That trend continued in the May 2014 elections for the European Parliament, in which the Conservatives lost seven seats to finish not only just behind Labour but in third place; the United Kingdom Independence Party finished in first place. Opinion polling before the May 2015 U.K. general election promised more of the same, with the Conservative and Labour parties seemingly in a dead heat as late as the eve of the election. In the event, however, the Conservatives pulled off a stunning victory—winning 331 seats, a gain of 24 seats over their showing in the 2010 election—that allowed Cameron to form a majority government.
For several years disaffection had been growing within the party over Britain’s continued membership in the European Union. In 2013 Cameron first promised a national referendum on the issue, and in February 2016 he succeeded in winning concessions from EU leaders that were aimed at pleasing Euroskeptics. The party divided in the lead-up to the referendum in 2016, with Cameron leading the “Remain” side and former London mayor Boris Johnson heading up the “Leave” side. In the event, voters chose to leave the EU, and Cameron announced his intention to resign as prime minister and party leader. In July 2016 he was replaced by his home secretary, Theresa May, who became the second woman in British history to serve as prime minister.
Seeking a mandate to bolster her hand in negotiations on the British exit from the EU (“Brexit”), May called a snap election for June 2017. Opinion polling had led her to anticipate big gains in the House of Commons. However, instead of increasing its presence in the Commons through the election, the Conservatives lost their legislative majority, falling to 318 seats. May was forced to enlist the support of Northern Ireland’sDemocratic Unionist Party to empower a minority government.
Policy and structure
In comparison to other European conservative movements, British conservatism has proved unusually resilient, having succeeded in adapting itself to changing political and social agendas. The party is essentially a coalescence of several ideological groups, the most important of which are a centrist “One Nation” bloc that stresses economic interventionism and social harmony and an economic-liberal bloc that emphasizes a free-market economy. Neither of these two blocs are monolithic, and their heterogeneous nature usually allows them to avoid serious conflict with each other. The One-Nation Conservatives, for example, include progressives, who advocate change, and paternalists, who are more concerned with social order and authority. Nevertheless, disagreements between the two major blocs and between other groups occasionally produce dramatic splits in the party. Factional discord was sharpened during the late 1970s and ’80s, as Thatcher’s free-market followers, who called themselves “Dries,” wrested control of the party from their One-Nation opponents, whom they labeled “Wets.” The differences between the Wets and the Dries were particularly acute on the issue of European integration. Dries tended to be highly skeptical of moves toward European integration, whereas Wets tended to favour it.
At the head of the party is the leader, who is the fount of all policy. Formerly (1965–98) chosen by Conservative members of Parliament, since 1998 the leader is elected by the entire party membership; the parliamentary members may still remove a leader, however, through a vote of no confidence. Below the leader there are three principal elements: the voluntary wing (comprising the local parties in the constituencies), the professional wing (the Central Office), and the parliamentary party. All three elements are represented on a Management Board, which was created in the organizational reforms following Hague’s election as party leader. The board has responsibility for organizational matters within the party and has the power to expel members.
The voluntary wing is organized in constituency associations, each of which elects its own officers and is responsible for fund-raising, campaigning, and the selection of candidates to compete in local and parliamentary elections. Specific sections within the constituency associations—such as the party’s think tank, the Conservative Policy Forum (CPF)—help to integrate the views of members in the formulation of party positions on a variety of issues. Association members also attend an annual party conference. The party’s Central Office, whose chief officers are appointed by the party leader, exists primarily to assist the leadership and the work of the party throughout the country. Backbench members of the parliamentary party belong to a body known as the 1922 Committee (so called because its founding members were first returned to Parliament in 1922), through which they keep the leadership informed of their opinions; they also serve on a variety of specialized committees. The committees, covering subjects such as foreign affairs and finance, meet regularly to discuss issues and to listen to invited speakers.
The membership of the modern Conservative Party is drawn heavily from the landowning and middle classes—especially businessmen, managers, and professionals. Its electoral base, however, has extended at times well beyond these groups to incorporate approximately one-third of the working class, and working-class votes were essential to the extraordinary electoral success that the party enjoyed after World War I. Since the 1950s a regional alignment of the party’s electoral support has become apparent, so that it is now concentrated in nonindustrial rural and suburban areas, especially in the south of England. Indeed, the party’s decline outside England was so great that in the 1997 election it returned no members of Parliament in either Scotland or Wales.
Although the party has long been highly circumspect about revealing the precise sources of its funds, the central party organization has tended to rely heavily on donations from corporations and wealthy individuals. The income of constituency associations derives from membership subscriptions and fund-raising events. In the 1990s, responding to a marked decline in corporate giving, the party attempted to increase the income it receives from individuals, relying on measures such as targeted mailings and the creation of patrons’ clubs, whose members contributed a fixed amount of money per year.
The party also has had to cope with declining membership. Although claiming about three million members in the early 1950s, it was believed to have 750,000 members in 1992 and only about 350,000 by the beginning of the 21st century.